Revisiting Marxism in the Philippines (Patricio N Abinales) [2010]

Precis som föregångaren Marxism in the PHP en hel del irrelevant akademiskt käbbel. Några reflektioner:

  • Anti-intellektualism (som bl.a. odlades i maoistiska rörelser; ”ivory tower theorizing”) –> dogmatism?
    Dogmatism–> verklighetsförfalskning, oanvändbarhet
    Populism–> organisationen vittrar sönder, man kan inte leda med bara populism/pragmatism
    PKP (ena kommunistpartiet) lockades in i reformsfären, undantagstillstånd knäckte dem fr CPP som alltid varit underground


Utan närmare exempel:

Indeed, all the major breakthroughs in Marxist thought over the last twenty years or so have occurred outside the party structures, achieved by heretics and renegades, who, unbound by party discipline, explored hitherto neglected dimensions of contemporary reality.

The Socialists’ distaste for books […] found expression in their resistance to Marxist study circles. They believed that revolutionary consciousness was gained through direct involvement in the struggle; action, not learning, was the way of enlightenment… Lino Dizon, Kapampangan poet and leading figure in the Socialist Party, used to say, ”Bring Marx over here and I’ll teach him Marxism.”


Det krävs studier och argumentation för att väcka akademins intresse för folket… men å andra sidan:

As a general rule, intellectuals are the bearers of Marxist philosophy, particularly in the Third World where workers and peasants have no access to formal education… Since the explotative conditions are inadequate to imbue the workers with political consciousness, Lenin said, Marxism will have to be introduced from without, i.e., by the revolutionary intelligentsia…

Distinktioner mellan CPP (mer teoretiskt skolade, mer radikala? vägrade införvaggas…) och PKP.

Liberation theology och religionens reaktionära mantel (kärna?)

[…] largely because of the Civil War in Spain, the Jesuits in 1936 spearheaded the Social Justice Crusade whose program of action, among others, was to wage ”counter-propaganda amongst the working class to offset revolutionary and atheistic propaganda in the dialects of the districts where social unrest is fomented by communistic programs and periodicals.” […] anticommunism of the Crusade turned rabid with open advocacy of fascism, specially the ”benign dictatorship” of Portugal’s Salazar.

Dagens situation i Filippinerna:

I am reminded of Fanshen – how they were trying to introduce the centuries-old idea that the landlords should be fought against and how the Maoists then encouraged the people to speak out. It took somebody to say one word against the landlord to initiate cascades of protest which, at times, led to the deaths of these landlords. This kind of attack, this kind of negative phase is one that I do not yet see in this confrontation with popular culture. I really wish to see it because it is the only way Marxism can succeed in this country. But we do not see that. We only have the intellectuals talking about it here in the cities.

Ökande importkostnader för ffa ris på 60-talet (obs Vietnamkrig) –> landreform:

Agrarian reform has three main intentions in light of the process of accumulation: (1) to capitalize agriculture and improve its productivity, thereby reducing the cost of raw materials and wage goods, as well as the need to import agricultural products; (2) to slacken the rate of migration of the rural labor force to urban areas […] and (3) to increase surplus in the rural sector which could partly be utilized for the expansion of the market for industrial goods.

A concrete example, an application of the theorem that anticipates our discussion below, concerns the birth of capitalism in feudal Europe. With the growth of capitalist industry, conflicts of interest between the dominant feudal lords and the new capitalist class emerged. Feudal extortions in the forms of taxes and high prices of agricultural products were constricting the growth of capitalist industry. Struggles – for instance, the struggle for the abolition of the corn laws in England which kept grain prices high – were the concrete manifestations of the conflict between productive forces and productive relations.

Om PHP:s produktionssätt:

[…] a scientific name to the mode of production may be the term semi-feudal and semi-colonial. It is a name that captures the fact that the capitalist mode had penetrated the sstem but that it cannot free itself of shackles of the old feudal mode and the modern guild system which is imperialism. It is, therefore, a name that suggests that a bourgeois revolution has been long overdue, a bourgeois revolution that cannot be waged by the bourgeoisie for the simple reason that the feudal and imperialist forces have stunted the growth of a revolutionary bourgeoisie class.

Akademins ljuva språk gör sig påmind…

So perhaps my position would be that my analysis is correct. But primarily, I put it also as a research program, in the sense that we can refine this analysis and find out if we can really confirm or refute it. [ÖVERSÄTT TILL ETT MÄNSKLIGT SPRÅK, TACK.]

Underground-växt av vänstern i PHP (undantagslagarna martial law –> 86; EDSA I):

To be part of the revolution was to become ”relevant”, to transcend one’s bourgeois or petty-bourgeois prejudice, to defy the greatest superpower on earth, to participate in the making of history. In retrospect, it appears obvious that these manifestations of heroic commitment would have been impossible to replicate outside the compression chamber that was martial law.


But, from the points of view of the CPP, the thesis must be borne out from a completely Machiavellian position. Meaning, there were no tears shed from this end, there were no tears shed for the erosion of civil liberties because the main thing is that the concept ”civil liberties” is mainly a facade which conceals class dictatorship. And in that sense, the Marcos dictatorship was an honest form of government because it exhibited the dictatorship on what it was based. And this regime is a dishoesty [sic] form of rule because it tells us that there is a democracy, and yet, it preserves class dictatorship.


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