Che Guevara talks to young people [2000]

Ja, vad ska man säga om denna man som inte redan är sagt? Jag blir mer och mer klar över, att hans betydelse inte står att finna på det teoretiska planet. Även om han säkerligen kunde socialismens grunder tror jag inte att han hade hunnit läsa så mycket som han säkerligen hade velat, och jag ser i det jag läst egentligen ingen teoretisk vidareutveckling. Däremot måste han ha haft enorma erfarenheter i att praktiskt tillämpa teorierna. Kubanska revolutionen var ju som bekant ända från början nästan amatörmässigt genomförd – från båtfärden på Granma där 75 av de 82 var sjösjuka, till den katastrofala landningen, där man till sist med endast 12 överlevande på något sätt lyckas bygga upp en motståndsrörelse, och vinner makten över landet – och ingen bland rebellerna har kunskaper i hur man ska leda landet – varför det blir det klassiska trial-and-error. Dessa organisatoriska kunskaper delade han med sig i vissa tal, brev, mindre texter, men aldrig i någon systematisk form.

Man kan också se honom som ett exempel och en förebild för en ny slags politiker, en som vägrar sitta på ett kontor distanserad från samhället, utan tvärtom en upplyst människa, som betonar vikten av disciplinerat kroppsligt arbete, i kombination med ständig vidareutbildning (”utbildning ska vara folkets bröd”). Vad gäller hans karaktär (troligen anledningen till att de flesta respekterar honom – T-shirt-fans ej inkluderade) visade han gång på gång att han var beredd att arbeta hårdare än någon annan, och alltid riskera sitt liv för sina ideal. Hans syn på arbete skiljde sig mycket från både hans omgivning då, och vår omgivning idag. Han drömde om en tid då arbetets funktion, som upprustning av det gemensamma samhället, skulle vara lön nog för människorna, som skulle ta sig an uppgifterna med en energi och kamratskap som vi idag, i vår fördömda kontorsbåsvärld och korrupta marknadsfundamentalism, knappast kan föreställa oss.

Många gånger vänder han sig direkt till de unga, och menar att de ska gå i bräschen för nya utvecklingar, och leda de samhället genom sitt exempel. Att göra en egen bok om detta känns väl långsökt. Knappast kommer väl dagens unga snappa upp denna, och uppleva att den är adresserad till dem (även om jag själv fortfarande har rätt att kalla mig ung…). Talen i denna bok kommer från en man som tillsammans med sina män har uppnått det omöjliga, de har rullat upp Sisophys sten och fått den att stanna på toppen. Hela Latinamerika och stora delar av världen hyllar dem som hjältar, och när han tar till tals lyser orden av självförtroende, visioner och optimism. En drömmare som var beredd att ge allt för sina drömmar.

[Betonar upprepade gånger skillnaden – den självklara men ofta bortglömda skillnaden – mellan ett folk och dess regering; kritik av en regering och dess folk.] …not only because the North American people are not to blame for the barbarity and injustice of their rulers, but also because they are innocent victims of the rage of all the peoples of the world, who sometimes confuse a social system with a people.

Furthermore, a government that says it’s going to implement a timid agrarian reform cannot call itself revolutionary. A revolutionary government is one that carries out an agrarian reform that transforms the system of property relations on the land – not just giving the peasants land that was not in use, but primarily giving the peasants land that was in use, land that belonged to the large landowners, the best land, with the greatest yield, land that moreover had been stolen from the peasants in past epochs.

[Om att de flesta revolutionärer kom från icke-proletär bakgrund.] In the course of the armed struggle, the respect we had for the sacrosanct ownership of those ten thousand head of cattle was lost, and we understood perfectly that the life of a single human being is worth millions of times more than all the property of the richest man on earth. And we learned it there, we who were not sons of the working class or the peasantry. So why should we shout to the four winds that now we are the superior ones and that the rest of the Cuban people cannot learn too? Yes, they can learn. In fact, the revolution today demands that they learn.

[Om de förhållanden som förenar Latinamerikas länder.] It is unnecessary to give a lot of examples. You know about Cuba’s sugar, Mexico’s cotton, Venezuela’s oil, Bolivia’s tin, Chile’s copper, Argentina’s cattle and wheat, or Brazil’s coffee. We all share a common denominator: we are countries that produce a single product, and we also share the common denominator of being countries dependant on a single market.

We cannot think that a revolutionary is a divine being who, by the grace of God, falls to earth, opens his arms, and the revolution begins. That when problems arise, they are resolved simply by the grace of the enlightened. A revolutionary must be a tireless worker, and more than tireless, organized. […] The enemy doesn’t want us to plan, to organize, to nationalize our economy; the enemy fights with all its might against it. Why? Because it is precisely through the capitalist anarchy of production that they exploit working people. That is how they make everyone develop a dog-eat-dog mentality, where each one struggles on his own, elbowing each other, kicking each other, knocking heads; each person trying to get ahead of everyone else, failing to realize that if we got organized and united we would be a tremendous force and could go much further, to the benefit of everyone… Because they have their strategy – the strategy of laissez-faire; the strategy of individual versus collective effort, of appealing to that little bit of selfishness that exists in each person to beat out the rest. They appeal to that petty superiority complex that everyone possesses that makes one think they are better than everybody else.

[Hans ödmjukhet och inställning till studier. Studier och arbete.] But this professor [hedersutnämnelse] here before you – a son of the people, forged by the people – also wants this very same people to have, as a right, the benefits of education. The walls of the educational system must come down. Education should not be a privilege, so the children of those who have money can study. Education should be the daily bread of the people of Cuba.

[Ett annat tal till universitetet till Havana.] Right now you are not afraid of that; right now everything is rosy. But the day will come, tomorrow or the next day, when the lack of technicians will prevent the establishment of an industry and we’ll have to postpone it for two, three, five, or who-knows-how-many years.

[Förnekar inte att revolutionen har motståndare inom landet.] …we have taken those who are not socialists, those who not only don’t care for socialism, but resent socialism and dream about the old das, and we have managed to have them remain in Cuba, fighting, discussing, working, and building. [Nåja; sanning med modifikation – många lämnade.] The only thing we don’t allow is using ideas for purposes of blackmail, or sabotage against the revolution. In this respect we have been absolutely inflexible, as inflexible as anyone. […] But within the dictatorship of the proletariat there can be a vast field for discussion and expression of ideas.

[Mitt favoritstycke, och något jag brukar upprepa för oengagerade bekanta.] Whoever pretends that a technician, an architect, a doctor, an engineer, or any type of scientist should merely work with the instruments in his own specific field while his people starve to death or fall in battle, has in fact taken the side of the enemy. He is not apolitical, he is political – but in opposition to movements for liberation.

[Om Kubas roll i Latinamerika, och världen.] …we have had the immense glory of being the vanguard of the revolution in the Americas. And today we have the glory of being the country imperialism hates the most. At every step we are in the vanguard of the struggle. We have not renounced a single one of our principles. We have not sacrificed a single one of our ideals. Nor have we left unfulfilled a single one of our obligations. That is why we are in the vanguard… We have obligations that go far beyond the borders of Cuba. We have the obligation to bring the ideological flame of revolution to every corner of the Americas and to every corner of the world where we can get a hearing.

Without organization, ideas, after some initial momentum, start losing their effect. They become routine, degenerate into conformity, and end up simply a memory. I raise this warning because too often, in this short but rich period of our revolution, many great initiatives have failed. They have been forgotten because of the lack of an organizational apparatus needed to keep them going and bring them to fruition.

This revolution began as a mass movement supporting an insurrectional struggle, without the formation of an organic party of the proletariat. It later merged with the party representing the proletariat, the Popular Socialist Party, which to that time had not been leading the struggle. Owing to these characteristics, our movement is fully impregnated by the petty bourgeoisie, both on the individual level and politically. In the course of the struggle and the revolution, each of us kept evolving, since the majoirty of the revolution’s leaders, in terms of their class background, came from the petty bourgeoisie, and some even from the bourgeoisie.

Nya begrepp:

Engelska: socialist emulation = konkurrens mellan t.ex. olika kooperativ, kollektivstyrda fabriker, etc. och utbyte av de ”vinnande” produktionsmetoderna. Ursprungligen formulerat av Lenin.

ulterior = hidden, shrouded, obscure, covert

Annonser

~ av bookplanet på november 19, 2012.

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